ARDENTIA-VERBA.COM

DIARY            1st March, 1941

The Bulgarian Ministers went to Vienna yesterday and signed a pact adhering to the Axis. At the same time, German mechanized forces thundered into Sofia. This is bad for Yugoslavia and Greece and will have a depressing effect here. People do not care so much about how many square miles we occupy in Eritrea so long as Germany is creeping ever closer to our jugular arteries. We know that in a few weeks we shall be exposed to a terrific ordeal.

We have a row in the Duty Room with General Tripp, who represents the Admiralty, on the subject of the Castelorizzo communique.[1] We point out that our objectives were to occupy the island, and that as we were turned out by troops brought in from Rhodes, we failed to carry our objectives. Why, therefore, should they pretend that we had succeeded? We are the Department charged with Government publicity and our policy is to tell the truth. If other Departments without our consent put out untrue statements, our work becomes impossible. I am angry about all this.

DIARY            2nd March, 1941

Viti asks me how we are going to win this war. Hitler will shortly have the whole of Europe under his control, and how are we going to turn him out? It will require all our strength to resist the appalling attack by air and submarine, which is shortly coming to us. We shall be shattered and starved. Yet how are we to tell our people how we can win? The only hope is that America and Russia will come in on our side. I think that we can resist the worst. But we shall be so exhausted by that resistance that Hitler may offer us an honourable peace which will be difficult to reject. I have an uneasy feeling that when things get very bad there may be a movement in this country to attribute the whole disaster to 'the war-mongers' and to replace Churchill by Sam Hoare or some appeaser. That will be the end of England. If only we could show people some glimmer of light at the end of the tunnel, we could count upon their enduring any ordeal.

But the danger is that there is no light beyond the light of faith. I have that light. I know in the marrow of my bones that we shall win in the end. But, I get depressed when I realise how difficult it is to convey that faith to the public, since it is not based, as far as I can see, on reason or calculation. We are expecting important events in the next week.

DIARY                       4th March, 1941

I dine with Louis Spears in his upstairs room at the Ritz. Mary Spears is there, also Ned Grigg and Monsieur and Madame Dejean.[2] The latter has been in Morocco and brings back disturbing news. The Germans are gradually infiltrating into Morocco, and unless we do something within the next few months, he fears that they will have it in their power as they have Rumania and Bulgaria. It was a great mistake on our part not to have pushed on to Tripoli after our Benghazi victories, since a common frontier would have had a stimulating effect upon the African French. In fact, he thinks that the main object of the German Balkan drive was to prevent Wavell from seizing Tripoli. He thinks we are ill-informed and optimistic about the French Empire. We seem to imagine that Petain is determined to stick to the Armistice and not to surrender one inch beyond it; that Weygand is really our friend and is determined to defend the Empire against the Germans; and that Darlan is in fact a fine fellow who would never dream of using the Fleet against his former allies. This is an illusion. Petain is really passing into a state of senile coma. Darlan is ambitious and has now got control of all the key positions. He feels that he may save something for France by bargaining with Germany about the Fleet, but he would be quite capable (if the Germans were prepared to pay a sufficient price) to sell the Fleet to them. He thinks that our line of propaganda should be to destroy the Petain legend. That is a disturbing suggestion from so intelligent and well informed a man.

He tells us the full story of Helene de Portes.[3] He admits that it is `inenarrable et inavouable'. But, after all, he was there and he knew. He said that she really believed that Reynaud would become the dictator of France and she the power behind the throne. She was passionately anti-British, since she felt that our democratic ideas would prevent this strange pattern of state governance. The extent of her influence and interference cannot be exaggerated. It was not so much that she dictated policy but that she surrounded Reynaud with fifth columnists and spies. For instance, he and Roland de Margerie had managed at a crucial moment to convince Reynaud that he should send the Fleet, and what remained of the Army and material, to North Africa. All the plans were made. But it was Madame de Portes who made him change his mind and accept Baudouin as Foreign Minister. We discuss how it came about that this frousy soiled woman with the dirty fur tippet managed to sway the destiny of a great nation. He said that it was because Reynaud had an inferiority complex about his small stature and that she made him feel tall and grand and powerful. `Had Reynaud been three inches taller, the history of the world might have been changed.' He and Spears talk together about the final debandade. Those hurried rushes through the night from château to château, only to find that there was but one telephone in the butler's pantry and that France could not communicate with its Prime Minister. Madame de Portes was always there and keeping away from Reynaud anybody whom she felt might spur him to resistance. 'C'est mot', she used to scream, 'qui Buis la mattresse icir And my God she was right. Then the final scene in the two-seater car. Reynaud was driving. The luggage was piled behind. He was always a bad driver and he crashed into a tree. A suitcase hit Madame de Portes on the back of the neck and killed her instantly. Reynaud was hit by the steering wheel and rendered unconscious. When he recovered in hospital, they broke the news to him that Madame de Portes was dead. 'Elle itait la France', he said. Dejean thought he really felt it. La fausse Marianne.

DIARY                        6th March, 1941

Duty Room. General Tripp reads out the Admiralty communique about the raid on the Lofoten Islands[4]. It is a fine story, but so badly worded that the whole point is missed. It states that one of our main objectives was to destroy stocks of cod-liver oil because of its vitamin properties. We say that we shall not issue the communique unless that is taken out. Tripp just grins and giggles. He is becoming past a joke.[5] A funereal luncheon at the Piccadilly Hotel as a farewell to Malcolm MacDonald. There is a gathering of National Labour supporters and at the back of it all a feeling that Nat.Lab. has been a sad flop. I sit next to Lady Something who tells me of the really great trouble she has been having with Molly, her head parlour-maid; the odd-man has also been a nuisance.

In the Duty Room afterwards we are glad to learn that the Admiralty have cut out the bit about cod-liver oil from the communique. What we are to do with the ten quislings captured is a great problem. The Germans say, 'Only a country which has sunk so low as England could have attempted such a Don Quixote action.' Their ten ships were sunk even lower.

DIARY                        7th March, 1941

The Cabinet met twice. I gather that at their first meeting the feeling was that we should let Greece down, This would have had a terrible effect both here and throughout the world. At the second meeting it seems that more adventurous counsels were advanced. Yet we know that any landing on the Greek mainland would be a forlorn hope. Ought we to risk that forlorn hope? One of our main preoccupations is the dropping of aerial mines in the Suez Canal. That is causing very serious inconvenience. In fact we are all a trifle gloomy tonight. Dine at the Greek restaurant.[6] I may never be brave enough to set foot there again.

H.N. TO V.S-W.         10th March, 1941 Ministry of Information

I lunched with some of de Gaulle's people. There was a little man opposite to me, and I said brightly to him, 'Have you met a man called Dejean who is just back from Morocco?' 'I am Dejean', he answered. I blushed to the roots of my hair, which is now a longish distance across, and up, my face. But truly I am hopeless about recognising people.

H.N. TO V.S-W.         17th March, 1941 Ministry of Information

I lunched with James [Pope-Hennessy] and he took me to see the devastation round St Paul's. It is unbelievable. A great space as wide as Trafalgar Square laid low. I feel that at any cost we should retain it as a memorial to London's civilians. They deserve it, and it gives a magnificent vista of St Paul's such as Wren would have given his soul to achieve. It is as if St Paul's stood where the National Gallery now stands. To get that permanently cleared is worth 40 million pounds in site-value and should be done.

Our landing in Greece (although we all feel it may end in disaster) has had a magical effect upon the Yugoslays. I do not think the effect will last. But it was a fine thing to do, and it is now quite clear that it was the only thing to do. We may be turned out by the Germans, but they will have a nasty time.

DIARY                        l0th March, 1941

At Duty Room we raise the question of the suppression of the news that we have landed in Greece. We point out that such suppression does harm to public confidence. Nonetheless, Wavell and Eden insist upon our maintaining silence. The Press as usual are behaving admirably on the whole front. Dine with Violet Bonham Carter. Bongie[7] appears dressed as a warden in skiing clothes. They have both behaved heroically. Mrs Gilbert Russell and Mark [Bonham Carter] are there. Ben and Bubbles and Cressida[8] come in afterwards. An agreeable evening. What puzzles us is the hesitancy of the Germans. Is it possible that they are really contemplating an attack on Russia and the seizure of the oil-wells?

DIARY            21st March, 19

Luncheon for the editors.[9] sit between Cudlipp and Frank Owen[10] They are very agreeable. What a funny man Duff is! He keeps on referring to me in the course of his remarks. 'Don't you think so, Harold?' 'You know more about this than I do, Harold. Don't you agree?' Whereas in the Ministry he never asks my opinion at all. Anyhow he talks excellently. He begins by warning them that the

great thing is not to antagonise the United States; that the bases agreement[11] could be signed on Tuesday and that people would not like it since it implies a surrender of a portion of our sovereignty. When we offered the bases against the destroyers we imagined, in Winston's words, that we were exchanging `a bunch of flowers for a sugar cake'. But not at all. The Americans have done a hard business deal. Duff says that the Lease and Lend Bill[12] is probably the decisive fact of the war, and he is sure that America wilI be in the war before long. He then talks about the despatch of troops to Greece, and explains that in order to do so, we had to abandon the far more attractive and remunerative objective of seizing Tripoli. We have sent some 80,000 men, only 20,000 of whom have by now arrived. He thinks we shall have a hard knock but they agree that there was no other course to take. The Yugoslays are going over to the Axis. This will have a bad effect on Turkey. I have a quiet talk with Duff afterwards. He agrees to recommend Violet Bonham Carter as one of the B.B.C. Governors.

H.N. TO V.S-W.         27th March, 1941 Ministry of Information

The news is good today. In the morning, two things happened.

(1) I read a telegram from Belgrade saying that Subotic[13] was sending information to his Government regarding our attitude.

(2) An hour later I learned that the Yugoslav Government had been arrested by Simovic.[14]

(3) An hour later I had to lunch with Subotic. You admit that this was an awkward concatenation.

When I arrived I found my old friend Tilea[15] as the first arrival. He whispered to me, 'Be careful, they are not pleased.' I said nothing. Then in pranced the Turkish Ambassador and seized a glass of sherry. Je bois', he said, `a la sante de Sa Majeste le Roi Pierre II et a l'alliance Balkanique.' The Subotics put on a blue face.

The Yugoslays may try to gain time by saying that their foreign policy is unaltered. But in fact they have come in on our side and God help the Italians in Albania. The Germans will probably invade the northern parts, but their Balkan expedition becomes very perilous. It is a fine show and I give Ronnie Campbell[16] full marks. But in the final examination let us remember that we owe this to the Greeks. Their resistance made it impossible for the Yugoslav Army to capitulate to the Axis. I feel sorry for Prince Paul. He sacrificed all his affections and all his principles in the hope of saving his country, and now the rumour is that he has been shot.[17] I have tried to get our Press to treat him gently.

Then this evening late news came in that we had taken Keren.[18] It may not be true. But if it is true, it means that we have got the whole Italian Empire with the exception of Tripoli. If they have the Yugo-slays on their backs now, they are done. I truly believe that if this Yugoslav thing is as real as we imagine, we have won the war. Of course the Germans may now invade Yugoslavia and Greece. It will take them a great effort, and it means that during these vital months of 1941 (when all their efforts should be concentrated on defeating us) they will be diverted to side-shows. What a triumph! Truly it is all over. I think you should hoist the flag on Sunday.

DIARY            29th March, 1941

Rab Butler agrees with me that as the Germans have come up against a difficult problem in their invasion of this country and in their invasion of the Balkans, they may strike suddenly at Russia. Everybody else regards this idea as fantastic, but I am not so sure.

DIARY            31st March, 1941

Go to see the Russian Ambassador, Maisky. He sits there in his ugly Victorian study like a little gnome in an armchair, twiddling his thumbs, twinkling his eyes and giving the impression that his feet do not reach the floor. He says that he takes an objective view of all this. We shall not be beaten. Our Navy is the finest in the world and perhaps our Air Force also. But what about our Army? Is it good for anything but a colonial war? Shall we be able to resist the Germans in Greece or even in Cyrenaica? We cannot afford another Norway. And how on earth do we imagine that we shall ever defeat the Germans? Italy we may knock out. But Germany never. I reply that I rely on my instinct and my knowledge of the German character. They will assuredly crash before we do. He says that this may be so: 'Time will show', he says, grinning mischievously. He thinks that the Labour people here are not strong enough. They do not force the Government to come to terms with Russia. 'The Labour people are as bad as Chamberlain.' I ask him whether he sees any prospect of a YugoslavGreek-Turkish alliance. He says that Turkey is too cautious. I ask him whether he has any fear that Russia will be attacked. He says, `Germany is too cautious.'

At this moment, when Hitler was about to attack Yugoslavia and Greece and Rommel launched his desert offensive, Harold Nicolson was worried by V. Sackville-West's state of physical and mental health under the strain of war. In fact his fears were exaggerated, but she suffered a severe shock in the suicide of her most intimate friend, Virginia Woolf: Her letter breaking the news to him crossed with his own letter expressing his concern about her state of mind.